Suchergebnisse

El objetivo de este trabajo es el de investigar el impacto de la Iniciativa Belt and Road (BRI) en la apropiación de materiales y energía en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang (XUAR) de la República Popular de China (RPCh). Para ello, propongo un análisis contrastivo crítico de las narrativas historiográficas oficiales: narrativas sobre la inclusión oficial del territorio conquistado de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang en las fronteras del Imperio Qing en el siglo XVIII; el Comunicado Final de la Conferencia de Bandung; los discursos modernizadores impuestos por la República Popular de China en el territorio de XUAR a través de las narrativas desarrollistas que acompañan la BRI. Los sistemas socioambientales autóctonos han sido sometidos, desde la inclusión del territorio en las fronteras chinas, a mecanismos de colonialismo implementados por agentes externos. Este proceso ha dado lugar a un conflicto interétnico y a un proceso de gentrificación de los territorios resultante de un modelo extractivista y capitalista de gestión de los recursos naturales (agricultura, gas, petróleo). La BRI, basada en el desarrollo de las infraestructuras de transporte y logísticas, refleja una estrategia que tiene como objetivo promover el papel de la República Popular de China en las relaciones globales: potencia los flujos de inversión internacional y las salidas comerciales para los productos chinos, a través de rutas terrestres y marítimas, tratando de restablecer las antiguas Rutas de la Seda, y promueve la creación de nuevas carreteras, con el fin de conectar un mayor número de territorios y países —alrededor de sesenta—. En cambio, esta investigación tiene como propósito el de revelar el impacto de la imposición del modelo económico y extractivo neocolonialista de la RPCh, así como sus consecuencias futuras sobre las poblaciones indígenas y los modelos autóctonos de gestión. En términos de metodología, esto requiere reconstruir las narrativas de pobreza del pueblo uigur, incluyendo relatos de su exclusión, expulsión de sus tierras originarias proponiendo un especial énfasis en la mirada autóctona sobre su entorno y cómo la Modernidad invade su espacio natural y humano.

O objetivo deste artigo é refletir, de uma perspectiva decolonial, e a partir das histórias de vida das comunidades uigures exiladas, sobre os mecanismos de colonialidade do poder, do conhecimento e do ser e da apropriação de recursos naturais e humanos que o governo central da República Popular da China (RPC) se aplica à Região Autônoma do Uigur de Xinjiang (XUAR). Através de uma problematização das categorias impostas, tentaremos refletir sobre as políticas subalternizantes do governo do Partido Comunista Chino (PCC) na RPC, investigando suas origens num nível historiográfico e ideológico, enfatizando a natureza colonial e extrativista de algumas medidas invisíveis e proibicionistas em relação às características de identidade do povo uigur. As histórias dos sobreviventes são construídas em torno de eixos que nutrem não apenas um espaço acadêmico, mas constituem sua própria entidade neste estudo: a migração é entendida a partir de um conceito de corpos com sentimentos e emoções, subalternizados pelo sistema; a violência que esses corpos recebem, religião, morte, adquirem aqui uma dimensão física e ontológica que se reflete em todas as histórias de vida, nos olhares e cicatrizes das pessoas entrevistadas, em suas vozes e lágrimas.

The aim of this article is to investigate the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the appropriation of materials and energy in XUAR (PRC). To do this, I propose a critical contrastive analysis of official historiographical narratives: narratives about the official inclusion of the conquered territory of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang (XUAR-PRC) at the borders of the Qing Empire in the 18th century; the Final Communiqué of the Bandung Conference; the modernizing speeches imposed by the PRC on the territory of XUAR through the developmental narratives that accompany the BRI.The autochthonous socio-environmental systems have been subjected, since the inclusion of the territory into the Chinese borders, to mechanisms of colonialism implemented by external agents. This process has given rise to an interethnic conflict and a process of gentrification of the territories resulting from an extractivist and capitalist model of natural resource management (agriculture, gas, oil). The BRI, based on the development of transport and logistics infrastructures, reflects a strategy that aims to promote PRC's role in global relations: it enhances international investment flows and commercial outlets for Chinese products, through land and sea routes, trying to reestablish the ancient Silk Roads, and promotes the creation of new roads, in order to connect a wider number of territories and countries —around sixty—.In turn, this research aims to reveal the impact of the imposition of the PRC neo-colonialist economic and extractive model, as well as the future consequences, on indigenous populations and management models. In terms of methodology this requires reconstructing the poverty narrative of Uyghur peoples, including accounts of their exclusion, ejection from the original areas, and a special emphasis on autochthonous outlook on their environment and how Modernity invades their natural and human space.Local and regional sociopolitical tensions have, in the final third of the twentieth century, forced or encouraged Uyghur emigration from XUAR and from the PRC, leading to the creation of distant exile communities. Through the inclusion of Uyghur studies (Jacobs, 2016; Leibold, 2007; Millward, 2007, 2018; Sautman, 2000; Thum, 2012, among others), in a wider panorama of decolonial studies (Escobar, 2016; Restrepo, 2016; Santos y Meneses, 2014, Ortega Santos y Olivieri, 2020, etc.), academia still faces the need to continue researching the socio-environmental impact of the modernization policies imposed by the PRC and its impact on the forms of autochthonous management of human and natural resources of the territory of XUAR. This, under Chinese domination in its different historical stages, has become a scenario of socio-environmental conflicts: economic, political and identity consequences return the image of a colonized territory (Millward, 2007, 2018; Sautman, 2000; Olivieri, 2020; Roberts, 2020), subjected to continuous extraction and repression processes by the central government. This institutional constraint, in recent years, has been legitimized by the PRC central state within the international community by accusing Uyghurs —culturally Muslims by majority— of terrorism, and thus including the whole oppression policies in the global scenario of GWOT (Roberts, 2020). This strategy hides the extractive-colonial interests that China has on the indigenous land of Uyghurs and other turkic peoples —such as Kazakhs, which represent more than a million people living in the territory—.Post-coloniality and national independence in a global scenario have presented the overwhelming need to rethink Asia in all its political and cultural complexity, and to launch projects —such as the one proposed at the Bandung Conference (1955), in which China played a leading role— that promote a supra-national unity respectful of plurality (Peña, 1956; Yoon, 2018); however, it seems now necessary to analyze how Bandung narratives coexist with those of a sinocentric megaproject (Pérez, 2014), with modernizing and developmental neo-colonial purposes (Islam, 2019). The BRI proposes reestablishing connections between Europe, Asia and Africa —that is, reviving old geoschemes (Millward, 2018) from a neo-colonial perspective (Clarke, 2017). Those links allegedly propose an economic supra-national development plan on an intercontinental scale, with the aim of modelling a scenario of revived cultural and human contacts, as well as commercial exchanges—. Nevertheless, the PRC's BRI underlies the imposition of its economic and cultural model and the application of measures of natural resources extraction on the affected regions. The current conflict in XUAR may be seen as socio-environmental for: 1. The economic divide between Han/Uyghur-North/south in the region, is also a divide between agrarian and commercial-urban economies; 2. The PRC development strategy is focused on urbanization, but within XUAR, the Uyghur south has been largely left out of urban-based development, or controlled by the predominantly Han organization of the Bingtuan (Production Construction Corps) which is now developing colonies in southern XUAR that largely excluded local Uyghurs from the benefits of housing and commercial opportunity; 3. XUAR has a systemic water deficit, and dire prospects within decades as climate change melts the glaciers on whose melt water the region currently relies.Since the annexation of the territory of XUAR, the Government has been launching policies aimed at developing a greater control and power over the Uyghur historical region which represents a fundamental enclave both for natural resources extraction and for geopolitical strategies of Chinese politics and trade. The conquest and the subsequent mechanisms of coloniality have imposed in XUAR changes in the modes of management and those related to the natural environment, turning "particular ecosystems" into "modern forms of nature" (Escobar, 2016). Throughout this research, the term "coloniality" will be understood as a process that has certainly transformed the forms of domination deployed by Modernity, but not the structure of the center-periphery relations worldwide. In this particular case study, we are confronted with a scenario where decolonization has not happened; in fact, it is still denied, by the government itself, that there has been a colonization per se. Therefore, coloniality here is built from the creation of denialist and inclusionist discourses, which nullify the possibility of the subjects' —in broad terms: the land of XUAR and those who inhabit it— very existence. Since then, the ways of life of the subaltern groups, in all aspects, are subject to the Modern/Colonial model, it is necessary to re-dignify the community attempts of survival and resistance, as ones of subjects oppressed by the mechanisms of capitalist modernity.Through this article I aim to reveal the Uyghurs perspective on how the official narratives about "development" and "modernity" proclaimed by the BRI, besides the monetary growth, hide colonial and oppressive control politics, and whose consequences are exclusion, repression, and even elimination of autochthonous identities in order to impose control over their territories and resources. So, jointly with a deep bibliographical and theoretical reflection, the very voices of exiled Uyghurs are here anonymously presented, based on Participatory Action Research (PAR) and Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR). ; El objetivo de este trabajo es el de investigar el impacto de la Iniciativa Belt and Road (BRI) en la apropiación de materiales y energía en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang (XUAR) de la República Popular de China (RPCh). Para ello, propongo un análisis contrastivo crítico de las narrativas historiográficas oficiales: narrativas sobre la inclusión oficial del territorio conquistado de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang en las fronteras del Imperio Qing en el siglo XVIII; el Comunicado Final de la Conferencia de Bandung; los discursos modernizadores impuestos por la República Popular de China en el territorio de XUAR a través de las narrativas desarrollistas que acompañan la BRI. Los sistemas socioambientales autóctonos han sido sometidos, desde la inclusión del territorio en las fronteras chinas, a mecanismos de colonialismo implementados por agentes externos. Este proceso ha dado lugar a un conflicto interétnico y a un proceso de gentrificación de los territorios resultante de un modelo extractivista y capitalista de gestión de los recursos naturales (agricultura, gas, petróleo). La BRI, basada en el desarrollo de las infraestructuras de transporte y logísticas, refleja una estrategia que tiene como objetivo promover el papel de la República Popular de China en las relaciones globales: potencia los flujos de inversión internacional y las salidas comerciales para los productos chinos, a través de rutas terrestres y marítimas, tratando de restablecer las antiguas Rutas de la Seda, y promueve la creación de nuevas carreteras, con el fin de conectar un mayor número de territorios y países —alrededor de sesenta—. En cambio, esta investigación tiene como propósito el de revelar el impacto de la imposición del modelo económico y extractivo neocolonialista de la RPCh, así como sus consecuencias futuras sobre las poblaciones indígenas y los modelos autóctonos de gestión. En términos de metodología, esto requiere reconstruir las narrativas de pobreza del pueblo uigur, incluyendo relatos de su exclusión, expulsión de sus tierras originarias proponiendo un especial énfasis en la mirada autóctona sobre su entorno y cómo la Modernidad invade su espacio natural y humano.

The Uyghur population is mired in constant conflict with the authorities of the Chinese central government. This is due to the participation of part of the population –especially younger people- in local organizations associated with Islamic terrorism and often-violent activities that these groups perform against the State. Islam (such as laws, customs, and demonstrations) is the element that the PRC instrumentally employs in legitimating its violent and restrictive policies against the Uyghur people, in order to maintain its power over the territory and its natural resources. This is also done while publicly presenting the measures as "War on Terror" and "Modernization" of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. In the framework of decolonial studies, this research provides a detailed overview of the current religious colonialism of the PRC, and how religion and "War on Terror" became State tools of political repression. On the other hand, it aims to present Uyghurs' territorial religious manifestations as one re-existence instrument, in opposition to the epistemicides that Beijing is committing.

The Uyghur population is mired in constant conflict with the authorities of the Chinese central government. This is due to the participation of part of the population –especially younger people- in local organizations associated with Islamic terrorism and often-violent activities that these groups perform against the State. Islam (such as laws, customs, and demonstrations) is the element that the PRC instrumentally employs in legitimizing its violent and restrictive policies against the Uyghur people, in order to maintain its power over the territory and its natural resources. This is also done while publicly presenting the measures as "War on Terror" and "Modernization" of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. In the framework of decolonial studies, this research provides a detailed overview of the current religious colonialism of the PRC, and how religion and "War on Terror" became State tools of political repression. On the other hand, it aims to present Uyghurs' territorial religious manifestations as one re-existence instrument, in opposition to the epistemicides that Beijing is committing. ; La población uigur está en conflicto constante con las autoridades del gobierno central chino. Esto se debe a la participación de parte de la población, especialmente de los más jóvenes, en organizaciones locales asociadas con el terrorismo islamista y actividades a menudo violentas que estos grupos realizan contra el Estado. El islam (entendido como leyes, costumbres y manifestaciones) es el elemento que la RPCh emplea instrumentalmente para legitimar sus políticas violentas y restrictivas contra el pueblo uigur, para mantener su poder sobre el territorio y sus recursos naturales. Esto también se hace mientras se presentan públicamente estas medidas como "Lucha contra el terrorismo" y "Modernización" de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang. En el marco de los estudios decoloniales, esta investigación proporciona una descripción detallada del colonialismo religioso actual de la República Popular China, y cómo la religión y la "Lucha al terrorismo" se convirtieron en herramientas estatales de represión política. Por otro lado, su objetivo es presentar las manifestaciones religiosas territoriales de los uigures como un instrumento de reexistencia, en oposición al epistemicidio que Beijing está cometiendo.

La propuesta para este capítulo es la de analizar cómo, a partir de las fronteras imperiales establecidas bajo el período del Gobierno Qing, las poblaciones "bárbaras"/ fronterizas han sido incluidas –más o menos forzosamente– en una definición –más o menos amplia– de "China". Tras una sucinta introducción histórica sobre el territorio, mi objetivo es el de empezar a hacer hincapié en la influencia, a nivel cultural, lingüístico, identitario y religioso, de la región que –tras su anexión al Imperio Qing– ha pasado a denominarse Xinjiang, en relación con los actores políticos y sociales circunstantes, y tratando de puntualizar unas especificidades históricas de la región, en un contexto eurasiático más amplio. ; The proposal for this chapter is to analyze how, from the imperial borders established under the Qing government period, the "barbarian"/border populations have been included –more or less forcedly, –in a –more or less broad– definition of "China." After a succinct historical introduction about the territory, my goal is to begin to emphasize the cultural, linguistic, identity and religious influence of the region that –after its annexation to the Qing Empire –has been renamed Xinjiang, in relation to the surrounding political and social actors, and trying to point out some historical specificities of the region, in a wider Eurasian context.

Starting from an organization of the major scientific studies developed in the field of corruption and a series of considerations on the major historical events of Italian and Spanish corruption, the article aims to investigate the social dynamics through which the political and economic systems interact with the phenomenon of corruption, both in Italy and in Spain. The possibility of conducting a comparative analysis of the phenomenon had as a premise the belonging of these two countries to the same cultural model, defined as mediterranean. The political and the economy systems, always considered the majors responsables for the onset of the phenomenon of corruption, have been observed in a comparative way between the two countries. Ultimate objective is to propose a reflection on the weaknesses that the current European geopolitical system, and in particular the mediterranean system, have in the management of the phenomenon and in the consequent possibility of aligning with the 2014-2020 europeans development programs.

1. Introduction: When East is North and South - Jordi Serrano-Muñoz and Chiara Olivieri -- 2. Confronting "the Ends" of Area: Towards a Phenomenology of the Transpacific - Andrea Mendoza -- 3. Ocean Narratives: Fluxes of Commodities Asia-America in the Contemporary Age - Antonio Ortega Santos -- 4. Decolonial Notes on How to Do Research on International Migrations in the World-System - Gennaro Avallone and Yoan Molinero-Gerbeau -- 5. Worshipping Ancestors at the Margins: Indigenous Perceptions of Death in Mexico and Okinawa - Angélica Cabrera Torrecilla -- 6. "This Coronaviurs Shit is Real": Racism and the Decolonization of the Virus - Núria Canalda Moreno and Andrés Felipe Vargas Herreño -- 7. The Feminization of Extractive Violence: A Comparative Study from Colombia and Indonesia - Paulina Pavez and Raul Holz -- 8. China's Lost Connection to the Global South: A Fanonian Reading of Yu Dafu and the Colonized Status of May Fourth Literature in the Japanese Empire - Ashley Liu -- 9. The Vedette "China" on Havana's International Cabaret Stage - Rosanne Sia.

The aim of this article is to analyze Chinese State-construction program within thew last hundred years, with the definitive annexation of Central Asian peripheral territories to its frontiers; in doing this, we will use Norbert Elias' "civilité" concept as our starting point, as the "expression and symbol of a social formation that encompasses the most diverse nationalities". Chinese territorial expansion, a consequence of the conquest by the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the mid-20th century of most of the territories already annexed by the Qing, has left the contemporary Chinese state with ethnic and political complexities. We will therefore reflect on whether sinicization was a real phenomenon, whether highlighting the non-Han ethnicity in history undermined the unity of the country, and on the legitimation of the Qing conquests in Central Asia and its narrativization as "unification" by the PRC. The issue will be analyzed from a decolonial perspective, focusing on the hegemonic and unequal relations that are established between China and the non-Sinic populations that live within its borders. We will pay special attention to the Uyghur case. ; Objetivo de este artículo es analizar el programa de construcción estatal chino en los últimos dos siglos, con la anexión definitiva de territorios periféricos centroasiáticos a sus fronteras, partiendo del concepto de "civilité" expuesto por Norbert Elías, cual "expresión y símbolo de una formación social que abarca a las más diversas nacionalidades". La expansión territorial china, consecuencia de la conquista por parte de la República Popular China (RPCh) a mediados del siglo XX de la mayoría de los territorios ya anexionados por los Qing, ha legado al Estado chino contemporáneo con complejidades étnicas y políticas. Se reflexionará pues acerca de si la sinización fue un fenómeno real, si resaltar la etnicidad no-Han en la historia socavó la unidad del país, y sobre la legitimación de las conquistas Qing en Asia central y su narrativización como "unificación" por parte de la RPCh. Se analizará el tema desde una perspectiva decolonial, incidiendo en las relaciones hegemónicas y desiguales que se establecen entre China y las poblaciones no-sínicas que viven dentro de sus fronteras, y haciendo especial hincapié en el caso del pueblo uigur.